Iran's government is controlled by a religious figure called the supreme leader, who is appointed by a group of Islamic clerics called the Assembly of Experts. A president, elected by the people, is second in command.
Iran has extensive oil reserves, but its economy has been hit hard by a trade ban imposed by the United States since the shah was ousted in 1979. Allegations that Iran supports terrorism and a belief that it is developing nuclear weapons has led to further isolation in recent years.
Iran has extensive oil reserves, but its economy has been hit hard by a trade ban imposed by the United States since the shah was ousted in 1979. Allegations that Iran supports terrorism and a belief that it is developing nuclear weapons has led to further isolation in recent years.
Status of women in Iran
It has been proved that when the society educates women and they become prosperous, the public stands to gain from this development. In Iran, the education and legal rights of women is essentially unchanged before and after the 1979 Islamic revolution. Women in this country have an unequal status compared to men. This is apparently propagated by conservative clerics who believe the insubordination of women in Iran is in accordance with the provisions of the Koran, the sacred book of Islam (McPhail, 2009). Even after the prime minister of Iran Assadulah ‘Alam issued a declaration that gave women the right to vote in 1963, Iranian law openly advocates for the segregation of women in schools, transport systems and sometimes outlaws women from taking up certain academic courses on the fallacy that women are physically and mentally inferior to men (McPhail, 2009).
Women are victims of sexual apartheid in Iran, which was maintained under the regime of Khatami and other subsequent regimes (Iravani, 2011). There is a prohibition on the publication of women pictures in the mass media, sexual segregation in healthcare and the arrest of women for not observing the Islamic code of dressing. This shows how women are discriminated against in Iran. Incidents of young women sentenced to death by the Supreme Court in Iran for charges ranging from prostitution to adultery are very common. These women are eventually punished through crude means such as hanging or being stoned to death when found guilty Iravani, 2011).
The first women conference in 1965 led to the issues surrounding the status of women to be addressed. This conference led to the establishment of women group, which led to a repeal of limits it terms of the courses that women were to take in learning institutions. However, the protest by women and establishment of women rights groups has done little to change the status of women in Iran to acceptable standards. They currently still live in a perpetual state of rights acquisition and disillusion. Even after the conservative resurgence in 2004 and the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, women can still receive 74 lashes for going out in public without a hejab (Iravani, 2011). This implies that the rights of women in Iran have not been addressed totally putting them in a disadvantaged position in the society. The present regime in Iran has propagated the segregation of women by mercilessly imposing the wearing of the hejab by women and gone ahead to have mobile judges who patrol the streets to detain, try and pass sentence on women who wear “bad hejab” whether on foot or driving (Iravani, 2011).
The resurgence of hard-line Islamic fundamentalism in Iran has led to further discrimination of women. An instance is the incident in April 2008 where the governor of Mazandaran, a province in Northern Iran, gave out threats to sack all public women workers who do not fully conform to strict hejab standards (Iravani, 2011). Another incident that portrays the unequal and disadvantaged status of women in Iran is depicted by the rule that women who wear long overcoats and headscarves are not allowed to occupy a seat in the three first rows Tehran’s Vahdat Concert Hall, formerly known as Rudaki Hall. According to Iravani, (2011), the subsequent incident is depicted by September 3, 2008, when the department of Culture and Islamic Guidance in Kerman, a Southeastern province, gave out an official command prohibiting its female workers, and women who visit the ministry, from putting on white, red, or yellow clothing. All this incidents show that the status of women in Iran is deplorable.
References
Iravani, M., R. (2011). A study on the Status of Women in Iran: Status of Women, Iran, Esfahan City. New York: LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing.
McPhail, B. (2009). The Status of Women in Iran. Retrieved on 16 October 2013 from http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/274215
Women are victims of sexual apartheid in Iran, which was maintained under the regime of Khatami and other subsequent regimes (Iravani, 2011). There is a prohibition on the publication of women pictures in the mass media, sexual segregation in healthcare and the arrest of women for not observing the Islamic code of dressing. This shows how women are discriminated against in Iran. Incidents of young women sentenced to death by the Supreme Court in Iran for charges ranging from prostitution to adultery are very common. These women are eventually punished through crude means such as hanging or being stoned to death when found guilty Iravani, 2011).
The first women conference in 1965 led to the issues surrounding the status of women to be addressed. This conference led to the establishment of women group, which led to a repeal of limits it terms of the courses that women were to take in learning institutions. However, the protest by women and establishment of women rights groups has done little to change the status of women in Iran to acceptable standards. They currently still live in a perpetual state of rights acquisition and disillusion. Even after the conservative resurgence in 2004 and the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, women can still receive 74 lashes for going out in public without a hejab (Iravani, 2011). This implies that the rights of women in Iran have not been addressed totally putting them in a disadvantaged position in the society. The present regime in Iran has propagated the segregation of women by mercilessly imposing the wearing of the hejab by women and gone ahead to have mobile judges who patrol the streets to detain, try and pass sentence on women who wear “bad hejab” whether on foot or driving (Iravani, 2011).
The resurgence of hard-line Islamic fundamentalism in Iran has led to further discrimination of women. An instance is the incident in April 2008 where the governor of Mazandaran, a province in Northern Iran, gave out threats to sack all public women workers who do not fully conform to strict hejab standards (Iravani, 2011). Another incident that portrays the unequal and disadvantaged status of women in Iran is depicted by the rule that women who wear long overcoats and headscarves are not allowed to occupy a seat in the three first rows Tehran’s Vahdat Concert Hall, formerly known as Rudaki Hall. According to Iravani, (2011), the subsequent incident is depicted by September 3, 2008, when the department of Culture and Islamic Guidance in Kerman, a Southeastern province, gave out an official command prohibiting its female workers, and women who visit the ministry, from putting on white, red, or yellow clothing. All this incidents show that the status of women in Iran is deplorable.
References
Iravani, M., R. (2011). A study on the Status of Women in Iran: Status of Women, Iran, Esfahan City. New York: LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing.
McPhail, B. (2009). The Status of Women in Iran. Retrieved on 16 October 2013 from http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/274215
Women income in the world
The total income of women is highest in the United States, and second highest in China. Women in the United States have a high total income because on average they are some of the highest paid women in the world. Women in China earn below the world average, but they have high total earnings due to the large population of China.
Female manager in the world
In 2001 there were 130 million women in managerial and professional jobs. Such jobs include being senior officials, legislators and technical workers. Those managers shown on this map are women earning the equivalent of more than US$ 32 000. Worldwide women make up 41% of all managers, male managers make up the remaining 59%.
Government system of Iran
Iran is a theocratic Islamic republic governed under the constitution of 1979 as amended. Appointed, rather than elected, offices and bodies hold the real power in the government. The supreme leader, who effectively serves as the head of state, is appointed for life by an Islamic religious advisory board (the Assembly of Experts). The supreme leader oversees the military and judiciary and appoints members of the Guardian Council and the Expediency Discernment Council. The former, some of whose members are appointed by the judiciary and approved by parliament, works in close conjunction with the government and must approve both candidates for political office and legislation passed by parliament. The latter is a body responsible for resolving disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council over legislation. The president, who is popularly elected for a four-year term, serves as the head of government. The unicameral legislature consists of the 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, whose members are elected by popular vote for four-year terms. Administratively, Iran is divided into 30 provinces.
Supreme Ruler Of Iran
There are few leaders in the world more important to current world affairs but lessunderstood than Ayatollah Khamenei, the supreme leader of Iran. He is the single most powerful individual in a highly factionalized, autocratic regime. No major decisions can be taken without his consent, and his top priorities are his own survival and that of the Islamic Republic.
In theory, Iran’s constitution was meant to combine theocracy with republicanism. But in practice, Iran’s unelected institutions, namely the supreme leader and 12-man Guardian Council, wield far more power than elected institutions like the presidency and parliament. The Guardian Council has the authority to vet all candidates for public office and disqualify any who are not deemed sufficiently loyal to the supreme leader.
Khamenei lacks the popular support, charisma and theological qualifications that Khomeini enjoyed, but his ability to stay out of the limelight contributed to his political resilience—until recently. He has consistently favored conservatives over reformers. His image as the great balancer has been seriously challenged by the disputed 2009 elections, his staunch defense of Ahmadinejad, and the crackdown on protesters.
In theory, Iran’s constitution was meant to combine theocracy with republicanism. But in practice, Iran’s unelected institutions, namely the supreme leader and 12-man Guardian Council, wield far more power than elected institutions like the presidency and parliament. The Guardian Council has the authority to vet all candidates for public office and disqualify any who are not deemed sufficiently loyal to the supreme leader.
Khamenei lacks the popular support, charisma and theological qualifications that Khomeini enjoyed, but his ability to stay out of the limelight contributed to his political resilience—until recently. He has consistently favored conservatives over reformers. His image as the great balancer has been seriously challenged by the disputed 2009 elections, his staunch defense of Ahmadinejad, and the crackdown on protesters.
The president of Iran
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, also spelled Maḥmūd Aḥmadī-Nejād (born October 28, 1956, Garmsār, Iran), Iranian political leader who served as president of Iran(2005–13). He was also the main political leader of the Alliance of builders of Islamic Iran, a coalition of conservative political groups in the country.
Parliament of Iran
The legislative branch in Iran has had a turbulent history since the first National Consultative Assembly was formed in 1906 during the Constitutional Revolution. The monarch saw the legislature as a way to limit his authority, while clerics were uncomfortable with new laws being passed without their supervision. The 1979 revolution revived this tension. Iran’s Islamic constitution created two bodies that reflected the Islamic and republican nature of the new state: It created a popularly elected unicameral Majles, or parliament. It also called for a Guardian Council made up of 12 appointed Islamic jurists to supervise parliament.
But the mix of popular sovereignty and religious supervision has often been fraught with problems. The Guardian Council repeatedly vetoed parliamentary candidates as well as legislation in the name of either Islam or the constitution. And parliament’s reluctance to reformulate legislation to accommodate the Guardian Council often produced legislative deadlock.
The impasse led revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1988 to establish a third body to resolve disputes. Its formal name is the Council for the Discernment of the Interest of the Islamic Order, although it is generally referred to as the Expediency Council. The new institution has been headed by former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani since its inception. This three-tier legislative process is designed to overcome any impasse, but often only further slows the passage of new laws.
But the mix of popular sovereignty and religious supervision has often been fraught with problems. The Guardian Council repeatedly vetoed parliamentary candidates as well as legislation in the name of either Islam or the constitution. And parliament’s reluctance to reformulate legislation to accommodate the Guardian Council often produced legislative deadlock.
The impasse led revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1988 to establish a third body to resolve disputes. Its formal name is the Council for the Discernment of the Interest of the Islamic Order, although it is generally referred to as the Expediency Council. The new institution has been headed by former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani since its inception. This three-tier legislative process is designed to overcome any impasse, but often only further slows the passage of new laws.
Court system Of Iran
The 1979 revolution erased six decades of modernization of Iran’s judicial system. The theocrats moved swiftly to overhaul the legal system to incorporate Islamic Sharia law. Criminal and civil codes were modified; family laws that cover marriage, divorce, child custody and many women’s rights faced the biggest changes. The new Islamic penal code included controversial articles, such as theQisas law of retribution for murder, stoning for adultery, amputations of body parts for theft and certain national security offenses, and flogging for a wide range of offenses.
Many of the new laws were legislated in vague terms, allowing for subjective interpretations as well as diverse and even contradictory rulings by judges. As a result, the judiciary is widely considered one of the Islamic Republic’s most dysfunctional institutions. Even judges are critical. When Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi was appointed judicial chief in 1999, he said in his inaugural speech that he inherited an institution “in ruins” and in serious need of reforms.
Of the three branches of government, the clerics have the strongest presence in the judiciary. Only clerics who trained in Islamic jurisprudence or have degrees from religious law schools can now become judges. Women are barred from becoming judges altogether. The head of the judiciary, the country’s prosecutor general, and all Supreme Court judges have to be mojtahids, or high-ranking clerics.
Many of the new laws were legislated in vague terms, allowing for subjective interpretations as well as diverse and even contradictory rulings by judges. As a result, the judiciary is widely considered one of the Islamic Republic’s most dysfunctional institutions. Even judges are critical. When Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi was appointed judicial chief in 1999, he said in his inaugural speech that he inherited an institution “in ruins” and in serious need of reforms.
Of the three branches of government, the clerics have the strongest presence in the judiciary. Only clerics who trained in Islamic jurisprudence or have degrees from religious law schools can now become judges. Women are barred from becoming judges altogether. The head of the judiciary, the country’s prosecutor general, and all Supreme Court judges have to be mojtahids, or high-ranking clerics.
Council of Guardian of Iran
Twelve jurists comprise the Council of Guardians, six of whom are appointed by the Supreme Leader. The head of the judiciary recommends the remaining six, which are officially appointed by Parliament.
The Council of Guardians is vested with the authority to interpret the constitution and determines if the laws passed by Parliament are in line with sharia (Islamic law). This means that the council has effective veto power over Parliament. If it deems that a law passed by Parliament is incompatible with the constitution or sharia, it is referred back to Parliament for revision.
The council also examines presidential and parliamentary candidates to determine their fitness. At times, the council has dramatically winnowed the field of candidates. In the 1997 president election, for example, only four out of the 230 declared candidates made it to the ballot.
The Council of Guardians is vested with the authority to interpret the constitution and determines if the laws passed by Parliament are in line with sharia (Islamic law). This means that the council has effective veto power over Parliament. If it deems that a law passed by Parliament is incompatible with the constitution or sharia, it is referred back to Parliament for revision.
The council also examines presidential and parliamentary candidates to determine their fitness. At times, the council has dramatically winnowed the field of candidates. In the 1997 president election, for example, only four out of the 230 declared candidates made it to the ballot.
Oil production vs oil consumption of Iran
For the country I choose, Iran is the crude oil top production where is ranked number 4 compared to the world and also is the top 4 country that export out the crude oil. Using the data from US energy information, Iran was produced 3.6 million of barrel of oil every day. It was ranked number 7 in the world . It was also consume 1.4 million barrel per day in the world where ranked number 16 in the world. From the data above, what we can concluded is Iran this country produced oil more than the oil consumed every day. The income from the oil was make the GDP ranked 18 in the world. The people at Iran normally are affordable to buy luxury product. However that are two question in my mind that are I am still questioning really the income from the oil really rising the GDP for the economy of Iran and does the oil produced really using in correct way( where does it using because mostly of the country will choosing to export out the oil instead of given for internal usage, so the oil price normally a bit higher.)For the country I choose, Iran is the crude oil top production where is ranked number 4 compared to the world and also is the top 4 country that export out the crude oil. Using the data from US energy information, Iran was produced 3.6 million of barrel of oil every day. It was ranked number 7 in the world . It was also consume 1.4 million barrel per day in the world where ranked number 16 in the world. From the data above, what we can concluded is Iran this country produced oil more than the oil consumed every day. The income from the oil was make the GDP ranked 18 in the world. The people at Iran normally are affordable to buy luxury product. Mostly all of the people affordable to buy cars. However that are two question in my mind that are I am still questioning really the income from the oil really rising the GDP for the economy of Iran and does the oil produced really using in correct way( where does it using because mostly of the country will choosing to export out the oil instead of given for internal usage, so the oil price normally a bit higher.)
Economic system of Iran
Introduction
Iran has a very unique economic system that can only be described as mixture of transition and mixed economy (Ollman, 1997), For example, as a transitional economy, the country’s economic system is changing from a predominantly planned economic to a free economy. Iran is still relatively poor and improperly structured despite its oil reserves.
Currently, the level of transitional has seen country’s economy undergo economic libration, in which the market forces will be the determining factors when it comes to prices of commodities. In this kind of system, there are preferences and even movement towards the privatization of all the government owned corporation as well as resources (Hoveyda, (2012).The country’s main economic stabilizers are there financial sectors, which is also responsible for managing or dictating the movement of the country’s private capital. In Iran, the economy is also controlled by both the private sectors and the state and this is what makes Iran’s economic system representative of both market as well as planned economy (Hoveyda, 2012). As an example, whilst there are statists policies, it quite evident the country’s private sector is still inefficient, and the country over rely on its oil as the key source of the government’s revenue. Never the less, there are private sector services, shops, farmers, as well as manufacturers.
Poverty
For example, a poverty rate of 18.7% (2010 est.) indicates that the country is poor despite of its economic development and oil resources.
Labor distribution
Labor distribution in Iran is very poor compared to its peers too. With a labor force of over 27.05 million, the country labors force as compared to the world labor force place sit at number 23, making it largely under skilled country with such a large labor shortage. Labor force distribution within its key sectors places the country amongst the most poorly structured labor force. On the other hand, the country is currently grappling with the highest rate of unemployment, higher level of inflation. The country has a slow economic growth.
GDP growth per capita
GDP - per capita (PPP) of the country was estimated at $13,300 (2012 est.) placing the country in the 100th position in terms of growth, while the 2011 estimates was $13,800 (2011 est.), and 29010 estimates was $13,500. This means that the country has been experiencing the smallest improvement over the years. This means that country’s economic development is fluctuating and inflationary (CIA, 2013)
Based on the economic indicators, the country that best describes the economic system of Iran include Iran, South Africa and Slovenia, Poland (Zielinski, 1973). Looking at the use of resources, it is healthy to argue that the country’s economic system is not effective or is just developing. Never the less, it is also quite clear that the country’s economic is not at its peak as there are still rooms fiord future development
Conclusion
While the country economic development is average considering the past political strafes in the country, it is healthy to argue that then country is amongst the least developed because it has had a large oil deposits that can propel it to be amongst the developed countries. There is need for the government to restructure almost all the sectors from infrastructure, education, employment, poverty and the rest because all these sectors are highly interconnected. It is also healthy to argue that the previous regime of command economy may have pushed the country to its limit, making it important for the country to have a strong private sector that can handle the checks and balance including the excesses of the predominantly planned economy.
References
CIA. (2013, October 31). Central Intelligence Agency-MIDDLE EAST : IRAN. The World Factbook. Retrieved November 7, 2013, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html
Ollman, Bertell, (1997). Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists Routledge (UK), p. 12
Zielinski, J. G. (1973).Economic Reforms in Polish Industry, Oxford University Press,
Fereydoun Hoveyda, (2012). The Shah and the Ayatollah: Iranian Mythology and Islamic Revolution., Praeger Publishers
Introduction
Iran has a very unique economic system that can only be described as mixture of transition and mixed economy (Ollman, 1997), For example, as a transitional economy, the country’s economic system is changing from a predominantly planned economic to a free economy. Iran is still relatively poor and improperly structured despite its oil reserves.
Currently, the level of transitional has seen country’s economy undergo economic libration, in which the market forces will be the determining factors when it comes to prices of commodities. In this kind of system, there are preferences and even movement towards the privatization of all the government owned corporation as well as resources (Hoveyda, (2012).The country’s main economic stabilizers are there financial sectors, which is also responsible for managing or dictating the movement of the country’s private capital. In Iran, the economy is also controlled by both the private sectors and the state and this is what makes Iran’s economic system representative of both market as well as planned economy (Hoveyda, 2012). As an example, whilst there are statists policies, it quite evident the country’s private sector is still inefficient, and the country over rely on its oil as the key source of the government’s revenue. Never the less, there are private sector services, shops, farmers, as well as manufacturers.
Poverty
For example, a poverty rate of 18.7% (2010 est.) indicates that the country is poor despite of its economic development and oil resources.
Labor distribution
Labor distribution in Iran is very poor compared to its peers too. With a labor force of over 27.05 million, the country labors force as compared to the world labor force place sit at number 23, making it largely under skilled country with such a large labor shortage. Labor force distribution within its key sectors places the country amongst the most poorly structured labor force. On the other hand, the country is currently grappling with the highest rate of unemployment, higher level of inflation. The country has a slow economic growth.
GDP growth per capita
GDP - per capita (PPP) of the country was estimated at $13,300 (2012 est.) placing the country in the 100th position in terms of growth, while the 2011 estimates was $13,800 (2011 est.), and 29010 estimates was $13,500. This means that the country has been experiencing the smallest improvement over the years. This means that country’s economic development is fluctuating and inflationary (CIA, 2013)
Based on the economic indicators, the country that best describes the economic system of Iran include Iran, South Africa and Slovenia, Poland (Zielinski, 1973). Looking at the use of resources, it is healthy to argue that the country’s economic system is not effective or is just developing. Never the less, it is also quite clear that the country’s economic is not at its peak as there are still rooms fiord future development
Conclusion
While the country economic development is average considering the past political strafes in the country, it is healthy to argue that then country is amongst the least developed because it has had a large oil deposits that can propel it to be amongst the developed countries. There is need for the government to restructure almost all the sectors from infrastructure, education, employment, poverty and the rest because all these sectors are highly interconnected. It is also healthy to argue that the previous regime of command economy may have pushed the country to its limit, making it important for the country to have a strong private sector that can handle the checks and balance including the excesses of the predominantly planned economy.
References
CIA. (2013, October 31). Central Intelligence Agency-MIDDLE EAST : IRAN. The World Factbook. Retrieved November 7, 2013, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html
Ollman, Bertell, (1997). Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists Routledge (UK), p. 12
Zielinski, J. G. (1973).Economic Reforms in Polish Industry, Oxford University Press,
Fereydoun Hoveyda, (2012). The Shah and the Ayatollah: Iranian Mythology and Islamic Revolution., Praeger Publishers